教師著作
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Item hupa：鄒族的生存空間(1995/1/1) 汪明輝Item 原住民的空間策略—分享與共有台灣：一個內在研究者關於原住民領域的幾點思考(1998/1/1) 吳信政; 汪明輝Item 鄒族久美方言之遷移—一個社區語言之社會、空間與歷史(1996/1/1) 汪明輝Item 鄒語使用現況之初步調查分析(1996/1/1) 汪明輝Item 對於台灣原住民的鄉土教育的一些反省(1998/1/1) 汪明輝Item 台灣原住民地名的意義—以鄒族Tfuya與Tapangu兩社為例之探討(1997/1/1) 汪明輝Item 鄒：一個建構中的族群(1997/1/1) 汪明輝Item 臺灣山地鄉的酒類消費與飲酒問題(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1993/9/1) 陳憲明; 汪明輝Prior to the impact of outside civilization, the Formosan aborigines (or mountain people) normally only brewed liquor to drink for ceremonies or celebratory occasions. With the enormous political, social and economic changes in Taiwan since 1945, the traditional tribal societies of the aboriginal peoples have undergone a steady collapse. Outside merchants have been permitted to enter the mountain reservation areas to set up shops which purchase mountain products and sell tobacco, liquor, and items of daily use. This has entailed a rapid rise in liquor consumption in the aboriginal communities. In 1989, per capita consumption of absolute alcohol among aborigines age 15 and over was 9.99 litres, or 2.36 times the average for Taiwan as a whole. Today, alcohol abuse is frequently an emblem of the Formosan aborigines. The Formosan aborigines have a preference for Michiu (a kind of spirit), but with improving economic conditions, beer consumption has already overtaken Michiu in terms of the number of bottles drunk. However, over 65% of the aborigines' absolute alcohol consumption comes from Michiu, and those who engage in alcohol abuse still remain addicted to Michiu Factor analysis and cluster analysis were used to process 13 variables about liquor consumption and geographical factors among 200 village communities. Four factors were obtained that together accounted for 85.59％ of total variance of the data matrix (Table 11). These 4 factors can be identified as representing: (1)Per capita alcohol consumption; (2)Ratio of aborigines to Han Chinese; (3) Ratio of beer consumption to Michiu consumption; (4)Degree of geographical isolation of the village. In general, liquor consumption was greatest in the reservation areas of the Atayal tribe of northern Taiwan and the Paiwan tribe of southern Taiwan. Beer consumption was dominant in areas with ready access to the outside world, while Michiu consumption was dominant in areas with poor communications. This may have to do with residents of the former areas being more successful economically. The high death rate evident in aboriginal reservation areas among people between the ages of 20-54 may to some degree be linked to drinking patterns. Comparing causes of death in 1988, the aboriginal rates were the following number of times greater than for Taiwan as a whole for the following causes of death: tuberculosis 4.3, cirrhosis of the liver 4.1, suicide 4.0, and accidental death 3.1. We have discovered from field observation that social problems such as poverty, unemployment, divorce, and prostitution among the aboriginal communities are all directly or indirectly linked to drinking. In short, such problems may well result from the impact of the dominant outside culture on the closed societies of minority tribes.Item 我們該有什麼樣的原住民教育(1994/1/1) 汪明輝Item 臺灣原住民民族主義的空間性─由社會運動到民族發展(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1999/11/1) 汪明輝台灣原住民 (Taiwan aborigines ) 在台灣本土化運動 (indeginization) 之牽動下，世紀末的最後二十年引發了民族振興運動，起初八○年代的運動形式及其訴求上，係循著弱勢階層抗爭運動的基調，並未顯現其民族主義 (ethnonationalism) 運動之性格，直到九○年代，運動力量明顯轉弱，原住民運動逐漸提升為民族運動，運動的空間焦點由街頭轉進至原鄉部落。 雖然原運團體對土地或領域有強烈主張 (claims)，卻無整體運動理論作為行動策略之準則，本文旨在引介原住民民族發展(ethnodevelopment)理論，並指陳該理論兼具社會與空間雙重性，本文論述焦點置於民族發展之空間性(spatiality)探討。社會運動與空間運動具時並行，狹義之空間運動即在空間之實踐行動 (spatialpractice) 以表達、展現其訴求與力量，廣義則為空間建構運動(spatial construction)。就原住民民族運動而言，原鄉空間(homeplace)為運動之核心，卻被優勢民族所邊際化 (marginalized)，然此邊陲空間卻最俱對抗核心之潛能，原住民族應進佔邊陲(marginality)作為直接對抗核心之基地，這核心空間具有三種層面之空間鬥爭 (spatial struggle)與建構行動策略，即具體客觀空間、空間之精神與主觀意義以及生活空間。