臺灣原住民民族主義的空間性─由社會運動到民族發展
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Date
1999/11/1
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國立臺灣師範大學地理學系
Abstract
台灣原住民 (Taiwan aborigines ) 在台灣本土化運動 (indeginization) 之牽動下，世紀末的最後二十年引發了民族振興運動，起初八○年代的運動形式及其訴求上，係循著弱勢階層抗爭運動的基調，並未顯現其民族主義 (ethnonationalism) 運動之性格，直到九○年代，運動力量明顯轉弱，原住民運動逐漸提升為民族運動，運動的空間焦點由街頭轉進至原鄉部落。 雖然原運團體對土地或領域有強烈主張 (claims)，卻無整體運動理論作為行動策略之準則，本文旨在引介原住民民族發展(ethnodevelopment)理論，並指陳該理論兼具社會與空間雙重性，本文論述焦點置於民族發展之空間性(spatiality)探討。社會運動與空間運動具時並行，狹義之空間運動即在空間之實踐行動 (spatialpractice) 以表達、展現其訴求與力量，廣義則為空間建構運動(spatial construction)。就原住民民族運動而言，原鄉空間(homeplace)為運動之核心，卻被優勢民族所邊際化 (marginalized)，然此邊陲空間卻最俱對抗核心之潛能，原住民族應進佔邊陲(marginality)作為直接對抗核心之基地，這核心空間具有三種層面之空間鬥爭 (spatial struggle)與建構行動策略，即具體客觀空間、空間之精神與主觀意義以及生活空間。
Motivated by mass movement of Taiwan's social and cultural indigenzation , last two decades saw an uprising of ethnonationalism of the real indigenous peoples or aborigines of Taiwan(台灣原住民). For the first decade, this social movement oriented mainly to socio-economic problems, and some scholars would probably see it as a resistance movement from the subalterm of the society. It was not until 1990's that it became much cIearer in a basic tone of ethnic movement, and changed from a form of resistance to resurgence. And the space that this movement took as its place also moved from space of urban streets to the space of marginality, which are the homeplaces of these indigenous activists. One can hardly find a narrative theory of space behind those movements, though land and territory were the most important themes in their projects. By this the author tries to implant a theory of ethnodevelopment for a future resurgence of Taiwan aborigines, but to spatialize it by putting its focus onto its spatial aspect, spatiality, and then to retheorize the different spatiali-ties in geographical thoughts. As a response to Soja's calling, I reassert here that social move-ment are simultaneously spatial, and space is not just a reflection but an expression of society. It also recalls the words of some radical geographers: "space is socially structured, and society is spatially organized, and thus, social become spatial, spatial become social". In other words, it's a socio-spatial movement. In a narrower sense, the social agency should put its way of move-ment onto space to express their opinions and show their power, in a broader sense, they should, as hooks claimed, enter the space of marginality as a site of resistance, and rebuild it as their core area so that they can reconstruct and survive themselves. There exist three distin-guished spatialities and hitherto three spatial struggles or spatial strategies in future resurgence of Taiwan aborigines. These are physical or objective space, subjective space or space of repre-sentation, and lived space or representational space.
Motivated by mass movement of Taiwan's social and cultural indigenzation , last two decades saw an uprising of ethnonationalism of the real indigenous peoples or aborigines of Taiwan(台灣原住民). For the first decade, this social movement oriented mainly to socio-economic problems, and some scholars would probably see it as a resistance movement from the subalterm of the society. It was not until 1990's that it became much cIearer in a basic tone of ethnic movement, and changed from a form of resistance to resurgence. And the space that this movement took as its place also moved from space of urban streets to the space of marginality, which are the homeplaces of these indigenous activists. One can hardly find a narrative theory of space behind those movements, though land and territory were the most important themes in their projects. By this the author tries to implant a theory of ethnodevelopment for a future resurgence of Taiwan aborigines, but to spatialize it by putting its focus onto its spatial aspect, spatiality, and then to retheorize the different spatiali-ties in geographical thoughts. As a response to Soja's calling, I reassert here that social move-ment are simultaneously spatial, and space is not just a reflection but an expression of society. It also recalls the words of some radical geographers: "space is socially structured, and society is spatially organized, and thus, social become spatial, spatial become social". In other words, it's a socio-spatial movement. In a narrower sense, the social agency should put its way of move-ment onto space to express their opinions and show their power, in a broader sense, they should, as hooks claimed, enter the space of marginality as a site of resistance, and rebuild it as their core area so that they can reconstruct and survive themselves. There exist three distin-guished spatialities and hitherto three spatial struggles or spatial strategies in future resurgence of Taiwan aborigines. These are physical or objective space, subjective space or space of repre-sentation, and lived space or representational space.