教師著作
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Item 由老子思想論地理學觀(國立臺灣師範大學文學院, 1985-06-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 臺灣民俗宗教分佈的意義(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1986-03-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 地理學方法論中的非實證論傳統(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1987-03-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanTraditionally, geography has always been regarded as a branch of the so-called “positive science”, and as such geography is held to abide by such rigorous scientific inference procedures as hypothesis, collection; evaluation; and analysis of data; verification, establishment of model, and consequently forecasting based on conclusion. Geography derived accordingly is referred to as ‘scientific geography’, the philosophy underlying known as ‘positivism’. The progress of natural sciences which has been advancing vehemently in our times has considerable impacts on the philosophy, since the 19th century positivism has become an emerging trend for methodology, calling for the application of natural sciencse, mathematical and physical models to the study of social phenomena with a view to find out universal law accountable for all that is seen and that which prevails in the cultural and social phenomena everywhere worlwide. Way back following World War II, especially during the 60's and the 70’s, Geography for study has been deeply influenced by theories like positivism and logical positivism, a lot of spatial scientifically oriented theses on the subject of geography came up one after the other, with strong backgrounds of math and physics, especially geometrical spirits, as reflected in the points, segments of line, and surfaces characterising geographical settings. As a matter of fact, there is an ab-positivism philosophy which has been prevailing and outstanding enough in the tradition of the evolution of history, be it ‘Romanticism", “Neo-Kantianism”, “Historicism”, they altogether run contrary to “Naturalism”, “Materialism”, “Empiricism”, and even “Positivism”, any that which favors “Mechanism”, they opposed researching, handling of cultural and social issues by means of natural science in one way or another, but instead they advocated “cultural historical sciences”, with stresses given to humanitarian value, individual meaningfulness, and as such they can hardly agree with the pursuit of the so-called “universal law”, they proposed instead that the target set for humanitarian and sociological subjects should be to uphold the meaing of “human being”. In as early as days when Ritter became prominent, for geography a branch of study, methodology, unrelated to positivism, has been established, in particular a series of geographic thoughts including those propounded by Schlüter-Carl Sauer, Paul Vidal de la Blache, Hettner-Hartshorne, were aimed at illustrating the meaning of “Regional Uniqueness” through interpretative expression the philosophy behind all these is obviously other than positivistic in nature. In short, their philosophy openly and unanimously oppose the pursuit of a universal Jaw as the goal for geography, and prefer to interprete the meaning of Regional uniqueness by means of the structure and evolution of the heritage of the culture and historical contexts. The philosophical influence of Neo-Kantianism, Historicism, and even Romanticism call be found by means of their methodology.Item 儒家哲學的環境思想(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1988-03-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanThis thesis quotes six important confucian ancient classics: “LUN-YU” [論語], “MONTSU” [孟子], “HSUN-TSU” [荀子], “SHU-CHING"[書經], “YI-CHING” [易經] and “CHUNG-YUNG”[中庸] to interpret the environmental thought of confucianism. Through the explanation of these classics, we have reached the following conclusions: 1. The Confucian's realization to the environment is neither meditation (mystic thought) or religious reflection nor the science which is to pursue “Logos” and “Pure Form”, it is the interpretation of “Human World” after reasonable and empirical observation on the Great Nature with a view to “Govern the World”. 2. Fundamentally, the Confucians regard the natural environment as a “environment of vitality”, in essence, it holds and possesses the function of “multiplying endlessly and moving continuously to and fro” and this function is perpetual, ever-lasting, enormous and infinite. 3. Two divinations, “CHIEN” [乾] & “KUN” [坤], of “YI-CHING” [易經] and the conception of “CHENG” [誠] of “CHUNG YUNG” [中庸] is exactly the ontological basis of the Confucian's recognition to the natural environment-“SHENG SHENG CHIH TE” [生生之德] (multiplying endlessly). Confucians hold the Great Nature internally and superiorly has its creative and developmental innate source of energy, i.e., “CHIEN YUAN” [乾元], “KUNYUAN" [坤元] or synthesized as “CHENG” [誠] or concluded to be one – “TIEN TAU” [天道] (Heaven). Since “TIEN TAU” may develop by itself, there shows out the vital and energetic Great Nature Environment-multiplying endlessly and moving continuously to and fro. 4. Facing this environment of spring vitality, Confucians particularly treat it in the manner of “Cosmic order” and “Moral Order” established by “Moral Metaphysics”, pursuant to this, there are “JEN” [仁] (or “CHENG”), i.e., “Moral Reason” or”Moral Humanism” to lead to the thought of “joining and helping the creative life of Great Nature”, from which the great Confucians, Mon-tsu & Hsu-tsu, construct their theory of “WANG TAU” [王道] – “Going into the woods in the right time”, then the people will get the sufficient food, a ap-pliances and wood materials, and thereof there will be no regret for being alive or died.Item 地理學與人文關懷(國立臺灣師範大學, 1988-04-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 觀念論地理學：一個人文主義地理學方法論(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1989-03-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanAs a important branch of Humanistic Geography, Idealist Geography focuses on the interpretation of human's thought within the geographical phenomena and the understanding of the context of culture-history, and through this way to indicate the meaning and value of geographical phenomena. Idealist Geographer must have sufficient cultural-historical and thoughtful-minded cultivation, because only through them, he or she then has a more deep and thorough under-standing for the regions and geographical phenomena he or she approaches, and only through them, he or she is then able to give humanistic criticism and attention to the nature of approach subjects, and this kind of criticism and attention is just the most fundamental spirit should be possessed by all the idealist geographers and humanistic geographers. This article enumerates three idealist masters, W. Windelband, H. Rickert and R.G. Colling-wood, and construes their ideas that study for human world shall set out from the understand-ing of culture-history and thought-mind. Further, the author touches on Paul Vidal de la Blache's "Genre de vie" to indicate the spirit of idealist has sufficed in the tradition of geography and needed not to take from outside, since the methodology of Genre de vie is through the understanding for one region's culture虐istory, thought-mind to grasp the uniqueness of the region. Besides, the author also analyzes and points out two Taiwan's geographers' essays in order to indicate the methodology of idealist geography, more or less, has been practically approaches. If examining carefully, we somewhat also can find the contents of idealist geography existed in other geographers' articles.Item 莊子逍遙遊的空間論(當代中國學社, 1990-01-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 苗栗嘉盛庄村廟的空間配置及其內(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1990-03-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanFor the purpose of interpreting the meanings of the village temples' spatial arrangement at “Chiasheng Chuang (嘉盛庄)” Miaoli area, this study has reached to conalusions as follows by fieldworks and hermeneutic method of Humanistic Geography: 1. The main temple of “Chiasheng Chuang (嘉盛庄)" is known as “Wu Wenchang Temple (五文昌廟)”. In view of the building scale, location, bearings of fengshui (風水) sacri-ficial circle, and cultural landscape of this temple, it is indeed qualified as the center of the village, the axis of villagers' lifeworld, and the pivot of the existential space of the village. 2. With the spatial pattern of “core& four peripheries (中心─四方)", “Tutikung Temples (土地公祠)" have taken shape of the village's boundary and territory. Their locations and cultural landscapes reveal the meanings of “Tutikung Temples(土地公祠)” as follows: a. The god's duty for guarding the frontiers of the village. b. The religious role of the area's corner (角頭) at the village. c. Manifesting the spiritual contents of lower cultural tradition in the villagers’ daily life. 3. The locations of “Wuku Temple (五穀廟)" at the north and “Shihmu Temple (石母祠)" at the south of “Chiashen Chuang (嘉盛庄)" represent the operational meanings of “Chien (乾)” (the Heaven) and “Kun(坤)" (the Earth) in the existential space of the village with the symbol of flourishing agriculture. 4. The writings sculptured on the walls or pillars of the temples sufficiently manifest the valuations and the ethical norms in the Chinese Culture, for instance, the writings in the main temple teach us both loyalty and filial piety; the writings in the “Tutikung Temple (土地公祠)" tell us to pay our highest respect to the virtues of the Earth; meanwhile, the writings in “Wuku Temple (五穀廟)" and “Shihmu Temple (石母祠)" praise the profound connotation of both the Heaven and the Earth. All these show that lower cultural tradition represented by the village's temples contains the spirits of higher cultural tradition. 5. According to the ages of establishments of the temples, there're 3 stages for the develop-ment of “Chiasheng Chuang (嘉盛庄)”. At the first stage, it had neither main temple nor other temples been built but “Tutikung Temple (土地公祠)". That revealed the village was still in the unsteady condition of colonical cultivation; at the second stage, "Wuku Temple (五殼廟)" had been created and considered as the center of the village, indiating it was a plain cutivated society; at the third stage, “Wu Wenchang Temple (五文昌廟)” had been established as the center of “Chiasheng Chuang (嘉盛庄)”, revealing the accomplishment of cultural space at the village.Item 「道」的自然與空間：老子的地理環境觀念(中國地理學會, 1990-07-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 地方儒士興學設教的傳統及其意義：以臺灣為例的詮釋(東方人文學術研究基金會•中國哲學研究中心, 1990-12-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 現象學地理學：存在空間的一個詮釋(中國地理學會, 1991-07-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 莊子的空間論：「秋水」的詮釋(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1992-03-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 粵東原鄉三山國王神祇的性質(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1993-01-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 粵東原鄉三山國王崇拜現象：一個文化歷史脈絡的析論(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1993-09-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanThrough the deification by Sheng Tuan-ming—shaman, intellectual, official and local of Eastern Kuangtung--the role of San-shan Kuo-wang as an Eastern Kuangtung local deity is linked with the age-old Chinese tradition of shamanism in the form of a local protective deity possessing a triple-stratum holy space. This triple-stratum holy space centres on the original temple at Lintien, Eastern Kuangtung. The outer stratum is "the whole realm," whose sphere is the government's religious authority. The middle stratum is "the south," as evidenced by pantheistic folk culture. The inner stratum is "the land of Eastern Kuangtung," providing the nourishment of natrue worship to the San-shan Kuo-wang cult. All three strata are permeated by the spirit of shamanism.Item 文化生態論與中國天人和諧思想下的環境觀(文津出版社, 1994-01-01) 潘朝陽Item 「中心-四方」空間形式及其宇宙論結構(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1995-01-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 書院：儒教在地方的傳播形式(鵝湖月刊雜誌社, 1995-11-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 臺灣宗親現象地理學研究之回顧(思與言雜誌社, 1996-01-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 大湖地方性的構成：歷史向度的地理詮釋(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1996-05-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanThis article will use "Humanistic Geography", which emphasizes the interpretation of history, as the basic method for further discussion of the placeness of Da-hu. Or, to put it another way, will interpret the "Local Characteristics" of Da-hu, which lies east of "Yi-Hsien", 「隘線」 deep in the "Yi-Ken District"「隘墾區」 of the inner mountains, in terms of local culture and historical development. This article will start with the frontier characteristics of Da-hu, its ecological environment and its former identity as a camphor forest. The "frontier characteristics" discussed in this article are based on descriptions in ancient Chinese texts which report a fear of the Da-hu "border", the negative evaluation of Da-hu from the standpoint of Feng-Shui theory and the argument that the "frontier" should belong to Atayal tribe; not the "Yang-Jan Pu-Di"「養贍埔地」of the Hou Long committee 「後?社」 and the Hsin Gang committee 「新港社」 of the Ping-Pu tribe.（平埔族） Drawing upon ancient Chinese texts & modern scholastic viewpoints, this article will then discuss Da-hu's basic terrain, climate and ecology in order to explain why this area was originally a camphor forest. In line with the above theories, this article will point out that the Chinese land developers used private force to invade Da-hu in search of the vast profit to be obtained from camphor trees. But fierce & bloody conflict with the Atayal tribe was inevitable. The Chinese land developers therefore united with the Ching Dynasty national military forces to conquer the Atayal tribe and successfully complete their invasion of their land. It is therefore the conclusion of this study that the formation of Da-hu placeness was only fully completed after the Chinese, in their pursuit of profit from natural resources, invaded the region and subdued the Atayal tribe through armed force.Item 康熙時期臺灣社會文化空間：朱一貴事變為軸的詮釋(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1997-11-01) 潘朝陽; 池永歆; Chao-Yang PanTowards the end of the Kangxi(康熙)era, the large number of immigrants coming from what today is Fujian and Guangdong provinces gradually created a Chinese pioneer society in Taiwan. The sociocultural spatiality of the Chinese people in Taiwan's Zhonglu( 中路 )and Beilu (北路 )areas at that time can be divided into three domains: A core area consisting of Fucheng (府城 )and the adjacent Taiwan county; a mixed Min (閩 )-and Hakka( 客 )-speaking outlying area from Xiajiadong( 下加冬 ) to Douliumen (斗六門 ); and a mixed Hakka and aboriginal area to the north of Douliumen. The Nanlu (南路 )area was bounded by the lower Danshui River (下淡水河 );on the right bank were Min-speaking settlers, and on the left was the Hakka sociocultural Domain. In terms of sociocultural character, the Chinese in Taiwan at that time were coarse, fickle, lawless, and scornful of educational and cultural pursuits. It was this character that led to several popular uprisings during the Kangxi period. In particular, the Zhu Yigui Riot (朱一貴事變 ), which spread to all areas of Chinese Taiwan, was a typical product of this sociocultural spatiality. Apart from the characteristic sociocultural structure of the Chinese pioneer society in Taiwan, government oppression was the most direct reason for the sudden popular uprising that occurred in the Zhu Yigui Riot. The local sociocultural characteristics provided the chief basis for the rebellion of Zhu Yigui and his followers. This unique basis inevitably displayed a related spatial nature during the course of the uprising. This thesis discusses the sociocultural spatial of Taiwan during the Kangxi period, and uses the Zhu Yigui Riot as a main thread in shedding light on the spatiality content and significance of all stages of the uprising and its suppression. It also describes the spatial structure of the uprising's major events. This thesis seeks to illuminate the concepts that human activities are fundamentally spatial in nature, and spatiality is a mode of human existence. After first describing the characteristics of the sociocultural space of Kangxi-period Taiwan, the thesis then elaborates on the spatial nature of the emergence and course of the Zhu Yigui Riot.