教師著作
Permanent URI for this collectionhttp://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw/handle/20.500.12235/31270
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Item 文化生態論與中國天人和諧思想下的環境觀(文津出版社, 1994-01-01) 潘朝陽Item 論孔子的宗教觀並略談台灣民間宗教(1999-01-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 自然生態觀與牟宗三先生的濡嘉詮釋(1998-01-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 康熙時期臺灣社會文化空間：朱一貴事變為軸的詮釋(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1997-11-01) 潘朝陽; 池永歆; Chao-Yang PanTowards the end of the Kangxi(康熙)era, the large number of immigrants coming from what today is Fujian and Guangdong provinces gradually created a Chinese pioneer society in Taiwan. The sociocultural spatiality of the Chinese people in Taiwan's Zhonglu( 中路 )and Beilu (北路 )areas at that time can be divided into three domains: A core area consisting of Fucheng (府城 )and the adjacent Taiwan county; a mixed Min (閩 )-and Hakka( 客 )-speaking outlying area from Xiajiadong( 下加冬 ) to Douliumen (斗六門 ); and a mixed Hakka and aboriginal area to the north of Douliumen. The Nanlu (南路 )area was bounded by the lower Danshui River (下淡水河 );on the right bank were Min-speaking settlers, and on the left was the Hakka sociocultural Domain. In terms of sociocultural character, the Chinese in Taiwan at that time were coarse, fickle, lawless, and scornful of educational and cultural pursuits. It was this character that led to several popular uprisings during the Kangxi period. In particular, the Zhu Yigui Riot (朱一貴事變 ), which spread to all areas of Chinese Taiwan, was a typical product of this sociocultural spatiality. Apart from the characteristic sociocultural structure of the Chinese pioneer society in Taiwan, government oppression was the most direct reason for the sudden popular uprising that occurred in the Zhu Yigui Riot. The local sociocultural characteristics provided the chief basis for the rebellion of Zhu Yigui and his followers. This unique basis inevitably displayed a related spatial nature during the course of the uprising. This thesis discusses the sociocultural spatial of Taiwan during the Kangxi period, and uses the Zhu Yigui Riot as a main thread in shedding light on the spatiality content and significance of all stages of the uprising and its suppression. It also describes the spatial structure of the uprising's major events. This thesis seeks to illuminate the concepts that human activities are fundamentally spatial in nature, and spatiality is a mode of human existence. After first describing the characteristics of the sociocultural space of Kangxi-period Taiwan, the thesis then elaborates on the spatial nature of the emergence and course of the Zhu Yigui Riot.Item 大湖地方性的構成：歷史向度的地理詮釋(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1996-05-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanThis article will use "Humanistic Geography", which emphasizes the interpretation of history, as the basic method for further discussion of the placeness of Da-hu. Or, to put it another way, will interpret the "Local Characteristics" of Da-hu, which lies east of "Yi-Hsien", 「隘線」 deep in the "Yi-Ken District"「隘墾區」 of the inner mountains, in terms of local culture and historical development. This article will start with the frontier characteristics of Da-hu, its ecological environment and its former identity as a camphor forest. The "frontier characteristics" discussed in this article are based on descriptions in ancient Chinese texts which report a fear of the Da-hu "border", the negative evaluation of Da-hu from the standpoint of Feng-Shui theory and the argument that the "frontier" should belong to Atayal tribe; not the "Yang-Jan Pu-Di"「養贍埔地」of the Hou Long committee 「後?社」 and the Hsin Gang committee 「新港社」 of the Ping-Pu tribe.（平埔族） Drawing upon ancient Chinese texts & modern scholastic viewpoints, this article will then discuss Da-hu's basic terrain, climate and ecology in order to explain why this area was originally a camphor forest. In line with the above theories, this article will point out that the Chinese land developers used private force to invade Da-hu in search of the vast profit to be obtained from camphor trees. But fierce & bloody conflict with the Atayal tribe was inevitable. The Chinese land developers therefore united with the Ching Dynasty national military forces to conquer the Atayal tribe and successfully complete their invasion of their land. It is therefore the conclusion of this study that the formation of Da-hu placeness was only fully completed after the Chinese, in their pursuit of profit from natural resources, invaded the region and subdued the Atayal tribe through armed force.Item 書院：儒教在地方的傳播形式(鵝湖月刊雜誌社, 1995-11-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 從赫特納到沙學浚的地理學本質論(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1999-05-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang Pan任何一門長遠的學術；必有其悠久的本質論傳統。地理學亦不例外。赫特納首創 區域特性描述詮釋的「地誌論」地理學本質論典範，對本世紀全球地理學界具有深刻的影響， 我國當代地理學之開創和發展，赫氏典範實際產生了重要的意義。對於臺灣現代地理學而言， 沙學浚教授居於開創者重鎮的崇隆地位，他的地理學本質論，明顯歸屬於赫特納的「地誌論」 典範。學術思想的傳承和發揚是重要的，本文的目的即是通過學術思想的源發及承續之脈絡 和內涵的詮釋與釐清，用以彰著由赫特納到沙學浚的地誌論地理學本質論。 地理學本質論牽涉存有論的哲學性依據；地理學是一門科學，也是一門空間之學，本文 指出赫特納的科學觀和空間觀，基本上源發於康德的空間哲學以及新康德主義的雙元性科學 觀念。因此本文先詮釋康德空間論以及新康德學派的科學觀，再詮釋赫特納的地誌論地理學 本質論的科學思想以及其辯證性的空間－區域觀念。 復次，本文點明：沙學浚教授早年求學的時空背景使他深受赫特納地誌論典範的影響； 本文根據沙學浚教授的地理論著之文本，判析其基本的地理學本質論，乃是赫特納的地誌論 地理學本質論典範下的思想系統。 赫特納典範是值得珍貴的，沙學浚地理本質論深受其導引，而本文亦指出另一位重要地 理學者陳正祥教授的地理學本質論，其實亦屬赫氏典範的實踐，本文於此指明對現代臺灣的 地理學之開創而言，沙陳二氏的地理本質論實有其期同源頭。 本文最後特別引釋《孟子》關於「王道仁政」的論述以顯證由赫特納到沙學浚的「地誌 論」地理學本質論的研究進路，實具有「經典」型的永恆性地位，值得我們珍惜貴重，切莫 輕忽。Item 粵東原鄉三山國王崇拜現象：一個文化歷史脈絡的析論(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1993-09-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanThrough the deification by Sheng Tuan-ming—shaman, intellectual, official and local of Eastern Kuangtung--the role of San-shan Kuo-wang as an Eastern Kuangtung local deity is linked with the age-old Chinese tradition of shamanism in the form of a local protective deity possessing a triple-stratum holy space. This triple-stratum holy space centres on the original temple at Lintien, Eastern Kuangtung. The outer stratum is "the whole realm," whose sphere is the government's religious authority. The middle stratum is "the south," as evidenced by pantheistic folk culture. The inner stratum is "the land of Eastern Kuangtung," providing the nourishment of natrue worship to the San-shan Kuo-wang cult. All three strata are permeated by the spirit of shamanism.Item 淺說深度生態學(鵝湖月刊社, 1999-04-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanItem 臺灣關帝信仰的文教內涵：以苗栗區域為例之詮釋(國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1998-05-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang PanThis article examines the significance and distribution of Taiwan's "KuanTi (關帝 ) Worship" in the Miaoli Area from the Ching Dynasty until present times. KuanTi is a Chinese deity (originally mortal) revered by both officials and private citizens and employed over the past few hundred years to promote the precepts of Confucianims. Faith in KuanTi has an extremely deep influence over the soul, life and personal morals of the Chinese people. The conquest of Taiwan by Koxinga (國姓爺), unleashed a flood of Chinese immigration to Taiwan, bringing the "KuanTi" to Taiwan where it sank deep roots which only strengthened over time. Local Chinese never lost their faith in KuanTi, even during the severe cultural repression experienced during 51 years of Japanese occupation. The extremely deep influence KuanTi held over daily life, an influence that reinforced Confucian ideals with every visit to the KuanTi Temple, enabled locals to maintain their cultural identity. Without the influence of KuanTi, and the dedication of his earlier follows to establish his faith in Taiwan, Chinese culture would have been overwhelmed during the occupation and Taiwan would have been left a perpetual slave to Japan.